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The Role of Policy and Industry Structure in India's Oilseed Markets

Suresh Persaud and Maurice R. Landes

Economic Research Report No. (ERR-17), April 2006

Oilseeds and oilseed products emerged during the 1990s as one of the fastest-growing components of global and U.S. agricultural trade, with developing countries accounting for most of the growth in both supply and demand. India is the world's second most populous country, the third largest economy in Asia, and one of the world's fastest growing developing economies. India is also a major producer and consumer of oilseeds and their products, emerging in the late 1990s as one of the world's largest importers of vegetable oils. Higher incomes, low productivity in domestic oilseed production, and more liberal policies for edible oil imports are all expanding trade.

What Is the Issue?

Stronger income growth in India is likely to be sustained, leading to continued strong demand for oils and oil meals, as well as other foods. Without significant improvement in yields, India is likely to have a growing deficit in vegetable oils to be met by imports of either oils or oilseeds for processing. And, without improved oilseed productivity, particularly for soybeans, rapid growth in meal demand is likely to continue to reduce India's oil meal surplus, eventually creating a deficit in feed protein.

Current policies, which aim to support oilseed producers by imposing high tariffs on oil and prohibitive restrictions on oilseed imports, have not led to significant gains in oilseed area or yields. The policies impose substantial costs on consumers, and have propped up a processing sector that is technically inefficient and heavily underutilized. As a result, policy change is likely to determine the future growth and composition of India's oilseed and product trade. This report reviews recent developments in India's oilseed sector and, with a model-based evaluation of alternate scenarios, assesses the implications of current and potential policies for oilseed producers, processors, Indian consumers, and international trade.

What Did the Project Find?

India's current policy of high tariffs on oilseeds and oil affords little benefit to oilseed producers, while supporting processors and imposing high costs on consumers. Direct support of domestic oilseed prices would help growers more and cost consumers less. But doing so could be costly to the government and difficult to implement in accordance with WTO rules.

Liberalization of tariff and nontariff barriers to oilseed imports, with high oil tariffs continuing, would lead to large-scale imports of oilseeds, primarily soybeans, as imports of the raw material substitute for imports of the processed commodity. Improved access to oilseeds would allow processors in India to boost capacity use, resulting in lower processing costs and increased net revenues and employment. The windfall gains in processing efficiency and processor returns could be reallocated to producers and consumers through adjustments in oilseed and oil tariffs. Under this scenario, growers, consumers, and processors could all be better off than under existing policies.

The ongoing process of consolidation of ownership in India's oilseed processing sector is likely to benefit producers and consumers as larger processors compete more effectively for scarce raw materials and pass on economies associated with increased scale, process integration, and capacity utilization. In this context, liberalization of oilseed imports that boosts raw material supplies may allow more smaller processors to remain competitive.

The United States is a minor player in India's edible oil market because Latin American soybean oil and Asian palm oil are less costly than U.S. soybean oil. However, the United States is a competitive supplier of soybeans, and U.S. producers stand to gain if India follows some other developing countries—notably China—by reducing barriers to oilseed imports. Trade liberalization that results in India substituting imports of soybeans for imports of oil is likely to improve U.S. trade prospects.

How Was the Project Conducted?

The ERS India Oilseed Sector Model illustrates the impacts of alternative oilseed policies on India's supply, demand, and trade of oilseeds and their products, including implications for producers, consumers, and processors. The model incorporates supply, demand, and trade relationships for each of India's major oilseeds (soybean, peanut, rapeseed, and sunflower) and their products, as well as demand relationships for palm oil. The model first generates a 10-year projection (2001-11), or reference scenario, for India's oilseed sector. The reference scenario is based on existing policies and assumed changes in key exogenous variables, including income growth, exchange rates, and world prices. Policy scenarios analyzed are (1) increased oil tariffs, (2) increased oilseed price supports, (3) oilseed import liberalization, (4) increased ownership consolidation in the oilseed processing industry, and (5) composite scenarios involving changes in both oilseed and oil tariffs. Data were collected from secondary sources and through ERS interviews with oilseed traders, processors, and industry representatives in India. Support for this study was provided by the ERS-India Emerging Markets Project.

The 2002 Farm Act provided farmland owners the opportunity to update commodity program base acres and payment yields, which are used to calculate selected program benefits, namely, direct and counter-cyclical payments. Farmland owners had five options from which to select for designating base acres. Four options involved designating 1996 Farm Act production flexibility contract (PFC) acreage as base acres, allowing for the addition of oilseed acres, as applicable. The other option permitted farmland owners to designate base acres using actual plantings for all program commodities in 1998-2001. Analysis suggests that farmland owners viewed the update decision in economic terms: program participants selected the option that resulted in the greatest expected flow of program payments.

Acreage bases were originally determined in the early 1980s and continued through the mid- 1990s as part of the annual acreage reduction and deficiency payment programs. Base acres were slow to change as they were determined annually using recent years’ land use on the farm. The 1996 Farm Act eliminated annual base acres used for calculating program payments, replacing them with multiyear PFC acreage. The 2002 Farm Act returned “base acres” to agricultural program terminology but as a multiyear designation used to determine program payments that do not depend on current production.

What Is the Issue?

An examination of the underlying economic rationale for base acre and payment yield designation decisions made under the 2002 Farm Act helps address the issue of whether direct and counter-cyclical payments are linked to current production decisions. Base acres are a major determinant of farm program benefits (or proceeds) from direct and counter-cyclical payments. Was the updating decision influenced by management of revenue risk associated with current production choices or alternatively by efforts to maximize direct and counter-cyclical program payments independent of current production decisions?

What Did the Project Find?

Results suggest, in general, that farmland owners made base designation decisions to maximize direct and counter-cyclical payments. Findings do not support an alternative hypothesis that participants sought to align base acres and program yields (and thus payments) to current plantings and production. In many cases, farmland owners elected crop base acres that differed substantially from current plantings. Further, the lack of a strong link between program acres (base or PFC) and year-specific plantings is consistent with the proposition that direct and counter-cyclical payments are largely perceived as cash transfers that are separate from commodity production decisions and output levels.

Program signup results indicate that a majority of farmland owners elected not to update program base acres to 1998-2001 plantings. Many farmland owners opted to keep PFC acreage as base acres and augment them with oilseed acreage when advantageous. Less than 20 percent of farmland owners updated their base acres, representing 39 percent of base acres. This higher share of acres relative to owners indicates that, in general, farmland owners who updated base had larger-than-average-sized farm operations.

The base designation decision was viewed primarily in economic terms related to program payments. Case study analysis of decisions by farmland owners in South Dakota, in upland cotton area, and in the Heartland region supports the idea that farmland owners generally chose the option that provided the highest direct and counter-cyclical payments. If updating base acres for all crops to 1998-2001 plantings provided a greater flow of payments, farmland owners opted to update. Base was not updated if it did not prove to be economically advantageous.

In general, farmland owners replaced low-payment base acres with high-payment acres whenever possible. They kept or expanded base acres with high payments, such as rice, cotton, and corn, and reduced bases acres for commodities with relatively low payments, such as wheat, sorghum, and barley. Base acres for oats, the commodity with the lowest per acre payments, were reduced the most.

A comparison of expected payment flows associated with each covered commodity shows that optimal rankings of the value of base acre payments by program commodity are nearly identical with or without counter-cyclical payments (at maximum expected levels). Rice base typically pays more than cotton base; cotton base pays more than corn base; corn base payments exceed those for sorghum and wheat, etc. Consequently, if one maximizes direct payments, one nearly always maximizes direct plus expected counter-cyclical payments.

Producers of cotton and corn who expanded production of these commodities in 1998-2001 relative to PFC acres tended to update base acres to these higher paying commodities. Conversely, farmland owners with cotton and corn PFC acres who reduced plantings of those crops generally elected to keep their PFC acreage as base acres to retain the more valuable base acres.

How Was the Project Conducted?

ERS used a statistical modeling approach to analyze county-level results of farmland owners’ base designation decisions. The model was applied to three case studies. Case studies focused on decisions in three counties in South Dakota, to illustrate county- and farm-level economic incentives of the base designation choice; the decision to update base for a single commodity—cotton; and updating decisions for the Heartland region, where corn and soybeans dominate.

The economic value of each base designation option was calculated for each commodity and location. The spatial nature of the decision was illustrated by mapping the results of the base designation decision relative to plantings. (Maps are available at www.ers.usda.gov/data/baseacres/. This ERS data product allows you to download and map county-level farm program and planted acreage data.) The payment maximization hypothesis was tested using statistical analyses for selected commodities and regions.

For more information, contact: Suresh Persuad and Maurice Landes

Web administration: webadmin@ers.usda.gov

Updated date: May 6, 2008